Are Americans Truly Against Slavery?
Opinion Editorial by Walter E. Williams -
Jun 20, 2008
34 ratings from readers
Americans fought the Civil War,
at a cost of over 600,000 lives, to end the institution of slavery. Did we really end slavery, though, or is it still with us today — in the disguised form of stupidly high taxes?
Let’s do a
thought experiment asking whether Americans are for or against
slavery.
You might say,
“What are you talking about, Williams? We fought a war that cost
over 600,000 lives to end slavery!”
To get started, we
might find a description that captures the essence of slavery. A good
working description is: slavery is a set of circumstances whereby one
person is forcibly used to serve the purposes of another person and
has no legal claim to the fruits of his labor.
The average
American worker toils from January 1st to the end of April, and has
no legal claim to the fruits of his labor for that period.
Federal, state and
local governments, through the tax code, take what he produces. A
small portion of the fruits of his labor is used to provide for the
constitutional functions of government.
Most of what’s
taken, up to two-thirds, is given to some other American in the forms
of farm and business subsidies, Social Security, Medicare, welfare
and hundreds of other government handout programs.
As in slavery, one
person is being forcibly used to serve the purposes of another
person.
You might ask,
“Williams, aren’t you a bit off base? Slavery means that you are
owned by another person.”
Who owns a person
is not nearly important as who has the rights to use that person. In
other words, a plantation owner having the power to force a black to
work for him would have been just as well off, and possibly better
off, not owning him.
Not owning him
means not having to bear medical expenses and loss of wealth if the
slave died. During World War II, Nazis didn’t own Jews, but they
had the power to force them to labor for them.
Not owning Jews meant
that working and starving them to death had little cost to the Nazis.
The fact that
American slaves were owned, with prices sometimes ranging from $800
to $1,300, meant that owners had a financial stake in the slave’s
well-being and they were not worked and starved to death.
You might argue
that my analogy is irrelevant because unlike American slaves and Nazi
concentration camp inmates, we can come and go as we please, live
where we want, buy a car, clothes and other things with the money
left over after the government gets four months’ worth of our
earnings. But, does that make much of a difference?
During slavery,
visitors to the South often observed “a great many loose negroes
about.”
Officials in Savannah, Mobile and Charleston and other
cities complained about “nominal slaves,” “virtually free
negroes,”and “quasi free negroes”who were seemingly oblivious
to any law or regulation.
Frederick
Douglass, a slave, explained this phenomenon when he was employed as
a Baltimore ship’s caulker: “I was to be allowed all my time; to
make bargains for work; to find my own employment, and to collect my
own wages; and in return for this liberty, I was ... to pay him
(Douglass’s master) three dollars at the end of each week, and to
board and clothe myself, and buy my own caulking tools.”
There are some
benefits to being a quasi free person such as Frederick Douglass.
There are two ways
U.S. Congress might force me to serve the purposes of another
American. They might force me spend a couple of hours each day
actually working, without compensation, for another American.
Or,
they might forcibly take a portion of my earnings so that American
can hire someone.
I see myself as
being better off with Congress doing the latter — taking a portion
of my earnings and giving it away.
Some might be put
off by my thought experiment and consider it an illegitimate use of
the term “slavery.” At what point should we consider ourselves a
quasi free American — when government takes two-thirds or
three-quarters of our earnings?
Walter E. Williams
is a professor of economics at George Mason University in Fairfax,
Virginia. He has authored more than 150 publications, including many in
scholarly journals, and has frequently given expert testimony before
Congressional committees on public policy issues ranging from labor
policy to taxation and spending.